How the EU can raise its game in the Middle East

How the EU can raise its game in the Middle East
Опубликовано: Wednesday, 13 March 2024 13:17
In Gaza, about 31,000 people have been killed since the 7 October Hamas attack, which resulted in the killing of around 1,200 Israelis and some 250 hostages (Photo: UNRWA)

The European Union seems to have lost some of its direction in its relations with the rest of the world. Committed to international law and human rights, it has shown admirable solidarity in supporting Ukraine’s resistance to Vladimir Putin’s invasion but is deeply divided in its reaction to Israel’s clear violations of these principles. And in international trade, it is finding it harder to strike new trade agreements with a number of countries and regions.

Whoever has been travelling around the world in the last two years, has heard and seen how the EU has struggled to stay relevant. One example is the Doha Forum, a geopolitical conference in the capital of Qatar, organised every year at the end of the fall. At the last Forum in 2023, only two of the dozens of panels had a European speaker, while the seats were dominated by contributors from Africa, Asia and North America.

As for its position, or lack of it, on the war in Gaza, apart from its absence from the current ceasefire negotiations, the EU, long a major supporter of their quest for self-determination, is losing its footing as a key player on the Palestinian side. To quote one important Palestinian political personality: "Why should we inform the EU? It doesn’t really matter."

There are many voices now calling for rearmament. According to Nato chief Jens Stoltenberg, in the last two years, European countries have placed arms orders with American companies for no less than $120bn [€109bn]. This begs two questions. Is the EU on time with its rearmament plans, or is it too late? Secondly, is it a good idea to pump a massive amount of European money into the US economy at a time when European industry is under pressure?

The most important question however is about strategy. If more conflict is in the air, is having friends or at least allies, other than the US not one of the most important assets? Certainly, the European Commission’s Global Gateway Initiative is built for that purpose. But much more is needed to restore the EU’s credibility and relevance. One way to do this lies exactly in the Gaza war that is troubling so many people around the world, not least here in Europe.

The EU commission’s slowdown in its support to Palestine, notably the (now partially lifted) suspension of funding for UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestine, while leaving cooperation with Israel untouched, has not gone down well in the wider world, especially in the Global South, whether it be in Muslim countries or other major partners like Brazil or South Africa. It has also enabled Russia and China to get a greater hearing for their familiar accusations of the EU applying ‘double standards’.

The EU’s high representative for foreign affairs, Josep Borrell, has worked hard to repair the damage, as have some member states including Spain, Belgium and Ireland, in calling for a ceasefire and maintaining their aid, but they have had to grapple with the political headwinds caused by internal European divisions.

Concrete action

That said, are there actions on Gaza that the EU could take to start repairing the damage to its reputation, and rebuild its credibility? The options may be limited, but to that end, we believe there are measures that could and should be taken now:

First, the EU and its member states should fully restore funding to the Palestinian Authority as well as its funding to UNRWA. With the looming threat of famine and disease in Gaza the humanitarian work of UNRWA is needed more than ever to save lives.

Secondly, the EU as a whole should be much louder in calling for Israel’s full compliance with international law and with the recent ruling of the International Court of Justice on provisional measures. If ever there was a test for Europe’s commitment to the international rules-based order, this is surely it.

Thirdly, those member states who have yet to act and are mindful of doing so should move quickly to recognise Palestine as a state, joining with the 139 UN members who have already done so.

While this may not change much on the ground, this will give Palestinians some much-needed hope and the assurance that Europe remains genuinely committed to a two-state solution, as well as sending a strong signal to the current Israeli government of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose goal seems to be a no-state solution, which is, of course, no solution at all. By recognising Palestine as a State, the EU member-states would make clear that this is not acceptable.

And lastly, while wider restrictions remain problematic given the lack of consensus, the EU should at least expand its sanctions on those Israeli settlers guilty of violent acts in the West Bank whose actions have brought yet more suffering for Palestinians living under the Occupation there.

Geopolitical is as geopolitical does. Taking actions like these might help the EU to live up to its ambitions.